Statement by Senate Democratic Leader Tom Daschle
On Campaign Finance Reform Final Passage
Monday, April 2, 2001
Putting the government in the people's hands
Mark Twain once noted that politicians' biggest objection to "tainted" money is, "tain't mine." My colleagues, today we stand on the verge of proving that saying wrong.
In the last two weeks, we've achieved some things in this Senate that few people thought ñ going into this debate -- were possible. We've had a real debate. We've reached bipartisan agreements. We've stood together -- Republicans and Democrats -- and rejected amendments that would have made this bill unworkable. And we have accepted amendments that improve the bill.
Thanks to the hard work of Senator Wellstone, we broadened the Snowe-Jeffords provision to bar sham issue ads so that all outside groups are treated equally. Thanks to the hard work of Senators Torricelli, Corzine, Durbin and Dorgan, we lowered the cost of campaigns by ensuring that the stations that enjoy the benefit of federally licensed airwaves give candidates the lowest unit cost for their political advertisements. Thanks to the hard work of Senator Schumer, we put new teeth into the limits on the vast sums of money national parties may spend on coordinated expenditures for candidates. Moreover, we turned back destructive amendments aimed at silencing the voices of working people.
I will be honest -- this bill is not perfect. It now includes increases in the amount of hard money that may be contributed to candidates and parties. I believe we must reduce the amount of money in politcs -- no matter the form. Still, I supported this amendment reluctantly, and only because it allowed this bill to move forward, and to reach this important vote. The bill also includes an unworkable scheme for financing opponents of wealthy candidates that, in my view, favors incumbents and unwisely multiples the amount wealthy individuals can contribute to candidates.
These flaws are not insubstantial, but the benefits of this bill far outweigh them. And when it comes to an issue as central to our democracy as the trust people place in their elected officials, we cannot let the perfect be the enemy of the good. And make no mistake this is a good bill. We owe that to the stewardship and commitment of Senators McCain and Feingold. Throughout these last two weeks, Senators McCain and Feingold have shown the same steadfast leadership that brought us to this point. They have refused to compromise the essential components of their bill in face of incredible pressure from all sides. And they have acted in the national interest rather than their respective partisan interests. I thank them for their service to our republic and to this Senate.
I also want to thank Senator Dodd for his management of this bill for our side. Senator Dodd has managed to ensure that every viewpoint within our caucus is heard and accommodated. We would not be on the verge of passing this bill without Senator Dodd's commitment to our caucus, to our nation, and to reform. I also want to thank Senator McConnell, who has been honest in his disagreement with this bill, and fair in his handling of it. This is indeed the way the Senate should work. A Senate that brings up bill, gives members an opportunity to legislate, and entertains deep and meaningful debate -- is a tribute to us all. It is also a Senate that gets things done.
The McCain-Feingold bill does not address every flaw in our campaign system. But, as Senator Feingold has said so often: "It does show the public that we understand that the current system doesn't do our democracy justice." And it curbs some of the most egregious injustices in that system. There are those who have argued, and will continue to argue, that in an attempt to make things better, we will only make things worse.
Since its founding, the goal of America has been to strive for that "more perfect union" our founders envisioned. To say that we shouldn't attempt to make things better begs the question, "Is what we have now good enough?" I believe that if you look at the rising tide of money in politics, the influence that money buys, and the corrosive effect it has on people's faith in government, the answer is clearly no. Ours is a government "of the people, by the people, and for the people." It is not a government of, by, and for some of the people. This bill will help put the reins of government back into the hands of all of the people. I hope that we pass it, I hope that our colleagues in the House will follow suit, and I hope the President will sign it.
It has taken us a long time to get to this point. The last time Congress tried to strengthen our political system by loosening the grip of special interest money was 1974 -- more than a generation ago. Congress may not have another chance to pass real campaign reform for another generation -- long after most of us will have left here. The decision we make today -- whether to pass this bill or not -- will likely have a profound impact on each of us for the rest of our time here. More importantly, this decision will have a profound impact -- for better or worse -- on the kind of system, and the kind of America, we leave to our children.
As a wise man once said on another occasion: "We cannot escape history." This is a critical moment in our nation's history. What we do will be remembered for years to come. Success is within our reach. Let us remain united. Let us pass this final test. Let us take the power away from the special interests and give it back to the American people, where it belongs. We can do it. The time is now.
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